A comparison of the data from these separate reports emphatically proves one point. Our current concept of the abduction experience is too small, too limited, and far too simplified. The Comparative Chart lists 114 elements from the reports, including details which were omitted in previous chapters because of space considerations. When the data is categorized and correlated, some surprising consistencies emerge that force the current view to expand, in both quantity and quality.
Before beginning the comparison, however, it should be noted again that four of the women underwent some regressive hypnosis: Beth, Jane, Angie, and Amy, with three different hypnotists. Out of the 114 listed details on the Chart, Beth reported 87, Jane reported 77, Amy 73, and Angie had 96. The other four women showed consistently fewer reported details, although not significantly so. Polly had 67 of the 114 details in her account, Pat had 71, Lisa had 94, and Anita reported 53. Almost all of the details, from each of the eight women, came from pre-hypnotic recollections.
In the "Contacts" category there are eight different situations reported, and seven of these eight have been reported by all of the women. These include
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UFO sightings; missing time as a child; missing time as an adult; consciousness of an encounter; virtual-reality events; telepathic communications; and the extension of alien involvement into lives of other family members. Three of them experienced missing time or abductions with other people.
The data indicates, then, that the phenomenon is not imaginary or self-generated, that it is linked to the UFO sightings, that it involves a generational interest on the part of the aliens, and that contact can be made by remote means.
The "Aliens" category contains a surprising variety of physical types reported, including some that are rarely mentioned elsewhere. While all eight women encountered the Gray aliens, the Whites (insectoid) and the hooded figures are almost as common, turning up in seven accounts. Blond humanoid figures have been seen by six of the women, as have the cat-eyed or reptoid type. Half of the women reported a wrinkle-faced entity similar to a tall Gray or White, as well as a shorter, often hairy creature variously referred to as a "troll" or "dwarf." And both a blue entity and a "Jesus" figure have been witnessed by three of the women.
In addition to noting the variety of physical types, it is important to realize that every combination of these different entities have been reported working together in abduction scenarios. It is hard to conclude, then, that the various types are really separate groups carrying out separate functions or missions.
Abductees typically report undergoing some sort of physical examination at one time or another, as researchers have long acknowledged. A comparison of the details reported in the "Exam" category show
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that two areas of the human body are most commonly involved: the reproductive system and the brain. Only five of the women remember gynecological procedures, however, and only three of them report possible implanted or missing fetuses, so the aliens' interest in reproduction or genetics may not be their sole purpose. While this group comprises all women, they are not the only sex reporting fetal implantations or extractions, as bizarre as this seems. In one man's account, he recalled an abdominal incision into which a malleable sac of tiny fetuses was placed and later surgically retrieved. Another man said that a similar fetal container was inserted rectally.
More of the women report implant procedures and "head operations" than gynecological activity. Anita is the only one who does not recall receiving an implant, and five women report some surgical activity on their skulls or brains. This activity has no apparent connection to a crossbreeding agenda and points to a program of greater complexity than the limited "genetics" theory.
A variety of alien instruments are reported in these procedures, but the most common here are the wand-type device, found in four accounts, and the small metal box, usually black, which is reported by three women.
There are four accounts of a "lady doctor" present during examinations, and three of the women saw operations performed on other abductees during their experiences. Three also were made to eat or drink something while in alien custody.
The most common detail of the examination scenario, however, is the report of an alien's face very close to the abductee's face, which has been
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experienced by all of the women but Pat. Whether this is a type of examination or an exertion of mental control over the abductee isn't clear, and of course it could be both. There is evidence that the large, black, glassy eyes so familiar from Gray reports may not be biological eyes but instead may be coverings that perform technologically, able to calm the abductee, do a scan of some sort, and even, as Pat felt, "film" or record data from our minds.
Other activities besides the exams occur in abduction encounters. All of the women report that the aliens communicated with them at some point, although not during every encounter. And seven of them recall teaching or testing sessions. During abductions, six report experiencing levitation, five recall passing through solid objects, and four witnessed or performed telekinesis. On the 'hardware' side of things, four women were shown how to operate some of the equipment aboard a craft, and on the 'software' side three of them were induced to relive or envision a past time or event in their lives. Again, these activities point to an agenda more complex than crossbreeding.
Six of the women do, however, report scenes generally known as "baby presentations" in which apparently hybrid infants are shown to abductees and are said to be created from some human-alien crossbreeding process. But half of the women also report being forced or induced to engage in (mostly traumatic) sexual activities with aliens, humanoids, or other abductees. And all these activities have little to do with crossbreeding or gathering of reproductive material.
Some researchers have theorized that all such
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sexual scenarios are the product of mind control-erotic images without substance-used merely to facilitate an actual event which involves nothing more than the taking of sperm or ova. But there are problems with this theory. For one thing, although sperm-gathering can be accomplished via erotically induced orgasm on the part of a male, it certainly isn't necessary for ova-gathering. In fact, it is totally unnecessary. Nor does it serve a reproductive purpose for her to be compelled to masturbate, as in some abductions, as well as in cases where the person feels "switched on" for this purpose when no abduction is underway. Another problem is that sexual intrusions involving reproductively immature children are reported. And finally, there is clearly no sperm/ova gathering going on in those situations where abductees are forced into sexual situations together.
Abductees report a wide yet consistent pattern of communications from the aliens, both in their presence and through remote contact. The most common communications focus on the origin of the human species, the "special" nature of the alien-abductee relationship and of the abductee personally who has an important function to perform, the distinction of body and spirit, and warnings of future global destruction, which were all reported by a majority of the women. These are not trivial subjects. It would be as dangerous to ignore this information as it would be to believe everything the aliens say.
In the "Settings" category there is a similar consistency of reports, including the highly controversial scenario of the underground base, present in half of the cases. Even more surprising,
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perhaps, is that seven of the women saw other apparently human people in their encounters, working with the aliens aboard craft as well as in the terrestrial facilities. And in six cases, the humans were perceived as military personnel.
Many researchers have, unfortunately, been unwilling to take reports of human-alien collusion seriously. One researcher told me that he believed every case of human collusion could be explained as illusions perpetrated by an exclusively alien group. But all it takes to dispel this view is one confirmed case of military or human involvement, and from information that has been shared with me in confidence, I am satisfied that at least one such case exists, that of Leah Haley, whose ordeal of military intrusions and threats is told in LOST WAS THE KEY.
Another researcher has claimed repeatedly that none of his many investigations has produced reports or evidence of human military involvement. His claim, however, has been disputed by some of the abductees with whom he has worked, who say they have indeed reported these events only to have them discounted by the investigator.
Yet the reports overwhelmingly point to actual human involvement with alien abductions. Details of reports are consistent throughout the country, and the only thing that differs, finally, is the interpretation of those details by the researchers. Reports of human military involvement must be addressed with more than an unexamined dismissal, for they are as common as the baby presentation scenarios that are accepted at face value by the traditional view. Whether "real" or contrived, these events serve a purpose that the researchers need to discover.
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Six other accounts described the abductees either viewing or being in a desert setting or on a desert-type planet, although the explanation of this scene varies from one report to another. Within the alien facilities, five women saw television-type screens, four saw instrument panels, and four were shown graphs or charts. And although it isn't noted on the Chart, three women described unusual black, flexible tubing in the facilities, both aboard the craft and in underground locations.
Other reported details in alien settings included bodies of water or liquid, in three cases, as well as three reports of animals present. Of more concern are the three accounts of abductees seeing, or being told of, cloned human bodies. Both Lisa and Pat were shown clones of their bodies, although they were given different explanations. Similar reports come from other abductees, and in one case a man said he saw a room full of inert male and female human bodies, who were beautiful and identical. The implications of such reports are enormous, considering the possible uses the aliens could make of these carbon-copy human bodies.
The eight women reported a number of physical effects, consistent with general abduction data, but the only two effects which were universal were patterns of unexplained bruises and particular noises in the ear or head. While the noises could be rationalized, perhaps, the bruises clearly indicate some physical interaction. The repetition of triangular marks in abductee reports may well indicate a single source for all of the marks.
Other signs of physical, rather than psychic or spiritual, contact include six reports of unexplained
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blood on the women's bodies or bedclothes, six reports of scoop marks, five women with scratches, and seven with puncture wounds. The case for actual physical contact is also bolstered by the six women who reported waking up with their clothing on backward, inside out, or completely missing.
The women experienced a variety of other physical reactions in addition to the internally heard beeps and electronic-type tones. All but Pat, for instance, experienced nausea during or after an encounter, and five reported sudden, total exhaustion in which all their energy drained away in an instant. Five women described awaking at times and feeling as if they'd been "beaten," to use Anita's term. And five said they had episodes in which a blinding light seemed to explode in their minds.
Unexplained rashes turned up in five of the cases, and instances of badly irritated eyes and waking with an unidentified bitter taste were both reported four times. Additionally, two of the women suffered unusual hair loss and unaccountable "sunburns."
The physical nature of the abduction scenario extends to other things in the abductee's environment. The external effects related to the phenomenon are very consistent, as the Chart demonstrates. Every one of the women have experienced bizarre electronic disturbances, for instance, and phone disturbances, both with the equipment and the callers. And seven out of eight reported lights in the yard, lights in the house, voices, clicking sounds, as well as miscellaneous thumps, pops, whistles, bangs, and hums in the environment, all without explanation. Outside the house, five of the women have witnessed the overflight of
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unaccountable, unmarked, or unidentifiable helicopters, all appearing after the abductees became aware of their situations.
The most consistent correlations between the women show up in the "Personal Response/Event" category. All of them suffer from chronic or frequent sleep disruption, all have undergone drastic attitude shifts, and they all feel a strong desire to live in rural locations, no matter what their previous backgrounds. Seven of the eight women report unexplained compulsions associated with their experiences, such as Polly's compulsion at times to take children, including other people's children, to a certain spot where UFOs are often sighted, something she would not do of her own choice. And Anita is the only one who has not reported feeling they are being prepared to carry out some unidentified task, job, or mission related to the alien agenda.
Three types of dreams show up in seven of the reports, as well. The first involves the arrival or landing or invasion of numerous UFOs on earth, a dream reported so frequently with the same details that I refer to it as 'The Night of Lights," from the typical description. The second dream shows scenes of coming disaster and chaos on the planet, and in some cases the abductees are led to believe that their upcoming "jobs" will be carried out at the time of destruction. The third dream type is prophetic, showing events which come to pass after the dream.
The final category, "Personal Background," shows, in fact, that all of the women have demonstrated above-average psychic abilities. The data on ethnic background included here has only relative importance, focusing as it does on the Celtic and
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Native American heritages which are more prevalent in American abduction reports than any other specific ethnic groups. The abduction phenomenon is global, and in any given region the ethnicity would surely be different. What is significant, however, is the high percentage of the women who have had unusual or serious gynecological problems, an indication that abduction experiences may be hazardous to their health.
The two remaining aspects of personal background, childhood abuse and a family member in the intelligence community, deserve special notice. Some researchers and mental health professionals, unable to accept the reality of this phenomenon, have offered screened memories of child abuse as an explanation for abduction memories. But as in the case of objections to military involvement, all it takes is one abductee who suffered no abuse to explode the theory. Among these eight women, only three reported childhood abuse of any kind, and their memories of these events were not repressed.
Other theorists believe that abduction activity is perpetrated by humans rather than aliens, carrying out massive mind-control experiments for some unknown purpose. They argue that the agents of this activity would have access to "subjects" through the families of those in the military and intelligence organizations. While it is true that most abductees have a family member in the military, that is also true of just about everyone in the country, so that cannot be a significant factor. More telling would be an inordinately high number of abductees with family connections to the intelligence community, and such cases are reported. Among the eight women,
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however, there are only two confirmed, and one possible, with connections to intelligence work.
These individual, very unique, abduction reports show such a commonality that they all could quite easily be from a single source, or alliance of sources, with a single, specific agenda. Some of the reported details, in fact, which appear so unique in a given single case, are too striking to dismiss. One good example not listed on the Chart involves Pat and Angie, whose conscious memories and responses are very different. During Pat's childhood abduction, she asked for and was given a "green healer rock" as a keepsake, but when the military interrogated the family, they persuaded Pat's sister to give them the rock.
In Angie's case, a green rock was also confiscated. She didn't consciously connect the beautiful green rock with alien experiences, nor could she remember precisely when and where she first got it. But Angie does remember, as a child, being approached on the playground one day by an unknown woman. The woman knew Angie's name and a few things about her, claiming to be a friend of the girl's teacher. After a brief initial chat, the woman told Angie that she knew about the green rock and asked if she could have it. Angie recalls giving her the rock during a second encounter, although the details are cloudy.
There are other such minute similarities in just these eight accounts, and the details on the Chart generally are true not only for the eight women but also for thousands of others.
There is one more set of parallels, however, which was not on the Chart because it pertained exclusively to the women in this project rather than to the typical
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abduction situation. I was in contact with all of them separately for months before deciding to compile a book-length report about the cases, and during that time, although strange things still occurred, they did not seem any different from past activities. Things changed, however, after Jane and Amy were given messages telling them to work with me specifically.
I began the book project, and in the course of taking care of necessary business through the mail, it soon became clear that many of my letters to the women were being diverted. It was an annoyance, but a minor one. But then the women began having serious problems, physical afflictions of a suspiciously similar nature.
Beth was first. On the night she decided to participate in the project, she phoned a friend to discuss the decision, but in the midst of the conversation the line went dead. That night, she had disturbing but cloudy dreams, and the next morning both her legs from knees to ankles were in excruciating pain for no apparent reason. And then she had a sudden, frightening flashback that linked the mysterious pain with military personnel warning her not to be a part of the book.
That was in early October 1993. Three weeks later, after discussing my determination to do the project with one of the women, I went to bed in fine shape and woke up at 6 a.m. with wracking, spasmodic pains in both legs, from my knees to my ankles. It was unbelievably bad, unlike any pain I've had before, and after swallowing ibuprofin I hobbled back to bed and tried to sleep. I must have, for I dreamed after that, seeing myself surrounded by military personnel who were injecting something into my knees. They
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taunted me, saying, "Don't think you can do anything you want. This is just a little demonstration that we can bring you, literally, to your knees any time we choose."
For Beth and me, these may have been mere dreams, reflecting our fears about the project. But Anita's report of experiencing this same pain after an abduction, years before, makes it harder to discount a connection. And on the same weekend I had the leg pains, both Anita and Jane suffered unexpected gall bladder attacks, so severe that they both underwent emergency surgery at almost the same hour.
Angie was the next to suffer. After an abduction in early November, she woke up with several physical symptoms, the worst of which was heavy congestion. It quickly grew worse, and in the space of less than two months she had to be hospitalized. Before that time, however, her health had been remarkably pristine. It was in November, too, that Angie recalls military personnel threatening punishment if she "talked to Karla Turner."
Was it a real event, a VRS, or just a dream? Anita had a similar dream shortly thereafter, in which I first discussed abandoning the project and then military personnel arrived and interrogated her about UFOs. Lisa, too, felt a very human threat against her involvement with the book and almost decided to remove herself from it. But in the end, all of the women felt that the information was too important to let intimidation, if that's what it really was, prevent its release.
To conclude, then, the Comparative Chart shows how consistently the same details turn up in unrelated abduction scenarios, and indeed how many
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consistent details actually comprise the phenomenon. Such reports demand that serious attention be given to uncovering the nature and extent of human activity within the abduction phenomenon.
The evidence further makes a strong case for a very physical, technological basis to alien-human interactions. Unless angels perform rectal probes, however, and make crank phone calls, and arrange sexual liaisons in addition to their other heavenly duties, the case is very weak for this being a primarily spiritual agenda.
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